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Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory

Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory

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Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory

Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory Summary:

 
By Nancy J. Hirschmann
  • Publisher:   Princeton University Press
  • Number Of Pages:   352
  • Publication Date:   2007-11-12
  • ISBN-10 / ASIN:   0691129894
  • ISBN-13 / EAN:   9780691129891
Product Description:

In Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory, Nancy Hirschmann demonstrates not merely that modern theories of freedom are susceptible to gender and class analysis but that they must be analyzed in terms of gender and class in order to be understood at all. Through rigorous close readings of major and minor works of Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Mill, Hirschmann establishes and examines the gender and class foundations of the modern understanding of freedom. Building on a social constructivist model of freedom that she developed in her award-winning book The Subject of Liberty: Toward a Feminist Theory of Freedom, she makes in her new book another original and important contribution to political and feminist theory.

Despite the prominence of "state of nature" ideas in modern political theory, Hirschmann argues, theories of freedom actually advance a social constructivist understanding of humanity. By rereading "human nature" in light of this insight, Hirschmann uncovers theories of freedom that are both more historically accurate and more relevant to contemporary politics. Pigeonholing canonical theorists as proponents of either "positive" or "negative" liberty is historically inaccurate, she demonstrates, because theorists deploy both conceptions of freedom simultaneously throughout their work.


Contents
Acknowledgments ix
INTRODUCTION
Gender, Class, and Freedom in Modern Political Theory 1
Negative and Positive Liberty in the Western Canon 2
The Social Construction of Freedom 13
The Gender Politics of Freedom 21
CHAPTER ONE
Thomas Hobbes: Desire and Rationality 29
The Will to Freedom 30
Freedom and Obligation: From Choice to Contract 35
Warrior Women, Invisible Wives 44
Natural Freedom, Civil Contract 49
The Social Construction of Freedom 63
The Containment of Difference 70
Conclusion 77
CHAPTER TWO
John Locke: Freedom, Reason, and the Education
of Citizen-Subjects 79
The Role of Reason 80
Nature versus Nurture: The Role of Education 87
The Gendered Property of Freedom 91
Consent, Choice, and a Two-Tiered Conception of Freedom 99
The Construction of Individuality, the Discipline of Freedom 106
Conclusion 115
CHAPTER THREE
Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Force, Freedom, and Family 118
Rousseau’s Three Kinds of Freedom 119
Politics and the Will 125
Education, Will, and the Social Construction of Citizens 133
Gender, Education, and Virtue 138
Julie, or The Woman as Model Citizen 152
Gender, Passion, and Politics 161
Conclusion 166
viii • Contents
CHAPTER FOUR
Immanuel Kant: The Inner World of Freedom 168
Transcendence and Phenomena 169
Ethics and Politics 178
Class, Education, and Social Construction 188
Sexual Constructions 195
Conclusion 207
CHAPTER FIVE
John Stuart Mill: Utility, Democracy, Equality 213
The “Two Mills” 216
Internal and External Realms 223
The Will to Utility 229
Democracy, Class, and Gender 238
The Class of Education 249
Politics, Participation, and Power 260
Conclusion 266
CONCLUSION
Rethinking Freedom in the Canon 274
Freedom in Its Two Forms 274
Gender, Class, and Berlin’s Typology 281
The Social Construction of Freedom 287
Notes 291
References 317
Index 331 Gender, Class, and Freedom
in Modern Political Theory
THE PURPOSE OF THIS BOOK is to examine the concept of freedom in
five key canonical figures: Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, Kant, and Mill. The
importance of the concept of freedom is, I assume, self-evident to readers
of this book: it is clearly a, if not the, key concept of the modern canon.
Defining “the canon” of modern political theory in terms of these five
figures, rather than Hume, Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche, or any number of
other figures, is justified because of their centrality to at least the West’s
understanding of freedom, and particularly to Western political theory
arguments about freedom; they are all key figures in modern liberalism,
which is arguably the ideology that has been responsible for translating
the political theory ideal of freedom into the common collective consciousness
of the modern West. For Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau, the
“natural freedom” of the state of nature posited by each theorist has had
profound effects on how we understand, think about, and talk about freedom
in theWest today.1 Mill made vital contributions to this understanding
in his famous defense of individual liberty of conscience and speech,
and his articulation of the notion of a zone of privacy into which the state
may not intrude. Kant, perhaps better known as a moral philosopher who
posited the “categorical imperative,” also defended liberal freedoms such
as freedom of speech in his political writings and is associated by many
scholars with social contract theory and the liberal tradition. As the ensuing
chapters will demonstrate, I do not always agree with these dominant
readings, but these readings make the selection of these five theorists obvious
and central for anyone writing on freedom.
In one sense, then, this book is a very traditional work of political theory:
it selects some major canonical figures, examines their texts, analyzes
their arguments, and develops an account of freedom out of that. But it
is not traditional in the three related themes that I use to guide my reading
of the texts: Isaiah Berlin’s typology of negative and positive liberty in its
historical, rather than analytic, dimensions; the idea of social construction;
and the place of gender and class in the concept of freedom. At first
glance, the first and third might not seem that untraditional: but instead
of justifying those themes here in summary fashion, I will break down my
introduction to this book along the lines of those three themes, to present
2 • Introduction
the reader with a picture of how I see the argument unfolding, and why
I believe that this argument poses a challenge to the mainstream to take
up a set of issues and questions that it has tended to resist.
 
 
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